As we saw in Part 1, Scripture and history both show us that patriotism can be both virtuous and dangerous. I will begin by exploring patriotism’s virtues before turning to the ways these good things can turn sour. Let’s recall our definition of American patriotism given earlier: a love of country, a love of both the universal ideals posited in America’s creeds, as well as the history of the American people and the land they inhabit. American Patriotism is a virtue, as it promotes (1) national unity, (2) the installment of certain unalienable rights, (3) the development of a sense of place, and finally, (4) a society marked by gratitude. Let’s explore each in turn.
VIRTUES OF PATRIOTISM
Virtue I: Patriotism Promotes National Unity
First, let us consider how patriotism facilitates national unity. America is a pluralistic society, a collection of various ethnicities, cultures, and religions. It can be difficult to find points of commonality with our neighbors because of this. But as David Brooks points out, patriotism encourages a unification behind the grand ideals that transcend our rather short lives. It bonds citizens together, whatever their background, under principles worth fighting for.[1] Those principles are a conglomerate of ideals laid forth in our founding documents, as well as the nations’ collective history. For instance, the simple act of singing the national anthem may produce friendly sentiments amongst otherwise complete strangers.[2] Watching Whitney Houston’s 1991 performance of the National Anthem at Super Bowl XXV is helpful in proving this very point. Regardless of the current social or political issue plaguing the nation at any given point in time, replaying this historic moment inevitably produces sentiments of pride and unity in the hearts of its hearers. In this way, patriotic expression is like the tuning of an old piano. The chords, even if just for a moment, begin to play in a national harmony not easily broken. Historically, this harmony has been channeled in the wake of national tragedies, such as the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941 or the September 11th attacks by Islamic extremists. But national unity ought not depend on the actions of such maleficent forces. Ideally, individual Americans will instead leverage the many resources contained within our nation’s civil religion—national songs, holidays, and traditions—at community events and home gatherings, for the purpose of promoting unity and peace.
Virtue II: Patriotism Promotes and Secures Certain Unalienable Rights
Second, patriotism is aspirational in its character, promoting the unalienable rights laid down in our country’s founding documents. To be a patriot is to accept that the standards by which we judge ourselves are the creeds which we esteem.[3] Contrary to the opinion of some, true patriotism is not blind to the sins of the nation. Instead, it acknowledges our country’s foibles and failings with courage.[4] As John D. Wilsey has said, “It is a patriotism that does not shrink back from the duty of dissent.”[5] Black abolitionist Frederick Douglass understood this aspect of patriotism well when he spoke in 1847, “There is not a rood of earth under the stars and the eagle on your flag, where a man of my complexion can stand free.”[6] With courage Douglass was unafraid to call out the moral atrocity of slavery. Yet, in that same speech Douglass said of the American creeds, “Those are precious sayings to my mind.”[7] Here we learn a valuable lesson: True patriotism critiques the nation’s many shortcomings with the aim of uniting again for the sake of justice and liberty. Sadly, politicians on both sides of the aisle often forget that the chief aim of patriotism is unity. And in the American case, such unity aims at the furtherance and preservation of fundamental human rights, as declared in the ideals of our founding documents.
But there is another valuable lesson to learn from Douglass’s commendable patriotism: We can celebrate the idea of America and still maintain moral clarity on issues of injustice. How does this play out? Consider the question of whether a black man should celebrate Independence Day. Many on the political left discourage it. “Why celebrate independence when my ancestors were not free?” is a good question—often answered without wisdom. The short answer is, “Yes, a colored person can and ought to celebrate Independence Day.” But why? A persuasive and historically informed answer is deserved. First, we must rectify the underlying assumption at play. Think more carefully about the question. What’s the mainstay of indecision here? Justice, of course! Chattel slavery was a grievous reality, made worse because America promised “that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”[8] The chasm of hypocrisy between eighteenth-century American ideals and eighteenth-century American law was an enormous one. But does that injustice nullify the celebratory value of American Independence for black Americans today? The answer is a wonderful, “No!” Because ultimately, America’s ideals won the day, emancipation became the law of the land, and the promises of the declaration became promises for all Americans.
Frederick Douglass adopted this very mindset. He exposed the hypocrisy at play during America’s seventy-sixth celebration of Independence while simultaneously defending the integrity of the Framers: “But I differ from those who charge this baseness [the “right to hold and hunt slaves” as “part of the Constitution”] on the framers of the Constitution of the United States. It is a slander upon their memory, at least, so I believe.”[9] Douglass goes on, “In that instrument I hold there is neither warrant, license, nor sanction of the hateful thing; but, interpreted as it ought to be interpreted, the Constitution is a glorious liberty document. Read its preamble, consider its purposes. Is slavery among them? Is it at the gateway? Or is it in the temple? It is neither.” Douglass condemns America’s sin without condemning America herself. Douglass was a true patriot, one who leveraged the aspirational aspects of patriotic sentiment to speed along emancipation for much of our nation’s lineage.
We should remember that there is no such thing as a righteous nation. No matter what historical period you select, injustice will always exist, and whether by primary, secondary, or tertiary causes, a government can always be found complicit in some type of moral evil. This means that no matter the nation and no matter the national holiday, injustice can be found. Christians must resist applying a utopian vision of human government to our nation when considering ethical questions such as, “Should we celebrate holiday ‘X’ in light of injustice ‘X?’” Unless the holiday itself celebrates a particular injustice, then the holiday may be celebrated with good cheer.[10]
Virtue III: Patriotism Promotes A Sense of Place & Belonging
In addition to promoting unity, justice, and liberty, patriotism also promotes a sense of belonging and purpose—two essential components of what it means to be human. Rather than existing as noncorporeal forces, humans are embodied creatures who belong to real geographical spaces. Cultivating a sense of place and purpose, beginning with the family unit and working outward towards the national scale, is essential for maintaining sanity of mind. As pastor Jeremy Linneman explains,
Just as we’ve been created to dwell in a certain place, God has designed us to live within the boundary lines of our bodies. We’re both emplaced and embodied creatures, surrounded by fences on all sides. An enduring mark of spiritual maturity is the faculty to dwell within these fences. The quality of our relationships largely depends on our willingness to recognize and live within.[11]
Patriotic expression is a superb way to develop a sense of place; to learn about the community in which one lives, its history, as well as the present and real needs of the individuals who fill those communities. Examples include a visit to the nearest national cemetery on Memorial Day with friends, a church-hosted Fourth of July cookout and firework show, or a family field trip to a local historical site. I recently had the pleasure of visiting the grave of Lincoln’s great grandfather, Abraham Lincoln Sr., who was killed in 1786 along a riverbank by Indians. This somewhat obscure story is actually quite important, as Abraham Lincoln’s father, Thomas, was caught in the initial attack on Lincoln Sr., but providentially survived. If he had not, the country would never have witnessed Abraham Lincoln ascend to the Presidency and lead the Union to victory in 1865. Because I live in the same county in which these events transpired, I could not help but sense a greater connection to the place in which I live.
When we learn the history of the places in which we dwell, they take on a new, yet old, significance. After hearing Lincoln Sr.’s story, deep meaning fell upon the old church ruins beside his grave. I wondered, “What eighteenth-century characters walked on this very ground?” Fresh inspiration suffused the seemingly ordinary cornfield: “This is where Abraham Lincoln’s father spent part of his childhood; this is the American story, a story I am privileged to be a part of.” Unbeknownst to many, the freedoms belonging to virtually every American are intricately tied to events like this that transpired on a small patches of land a long time ago. Patriots can develop a sense of place and belonging by visiting sites of historical significance in the communities in which they live. Like flipping through an old family photo album, learning the stories of our American forefathers builds a corporate sense of place, locally and nationally, adding meaning to our rather insignificant and short lives. Additionally, this practice produces a sense of gratitude, the last virtue of patriotism to which we will now turn our focus.
Virtue IV: Patriotism Promotes Greater National Gratitude
Finally, patriotism promotes gratitude amongst the citizenry, a virtue extolled in Scripture (Col 2:7; 4:2; 1 Thess 5:18). As Historian David McCullough wisely states, “The laws we live by, the freedoms we enjoy, the institutions that we take for granted—and we should never take for granted—are all the work of others who went before us. And to be indifferent to that isn’t just to be ignorant, it’s to be rude. And ingratitude is a shabby failing.”[12] A true Christian patriot will admit, considering the fallen world in which we live and the tremendous effects of sin on it, how God has shed immense grace on America. This grace is experienced every day by both the righteous and the unrighteous. Millions of Americans wake up to working infrastructures, reliable modes of transportation, a surplus of food, the availability of emergency personnel, the many attractions we can afford, free commerce, freedom to move and travel without fear of political imprisonment, freedom to dissent, to believe as our consciences dictate, to fight, to not fight, to pursue social and economic mobility, for the benefit of ourselves, our neighbors, and the nation to which we belong. America is an exceptional nation, and the true patriot will give thanks for it.
DANGERS OF PATRIOTISM
Like all good things, patriotism can become twisted and disordered—even evil. While there are many potential dangers, two issues in particular are worth highlighting: (1) a patriotic expression which conflates the church and state, and (2) an unbalanced patriotism which either emphasizes ideals at the expense of history, or history at the expense of ideals.
Danger I: A Conflating of Church and State
First, overgrown patriotism may lead one to conflate personal religion with national movements. One of the most poignant examples of this comes in the historical phenomenon “manifest destiny.”[13] Manifest destiny was the belief that America was appointed by God and had a divine right to expand and rule her surrounding territories.[14] This is wrong on at least two levels for the Christian. First, it is to believe that America is a chosen nation like Israel was. Scripture gives no warrant for such a belief. America is not a theocracy, and it is not in covenant with God. Second, and more egregious, the movement esteemed American ideals, such as “equality, individual rights, rule of law, personal freedoms and [a] virtuous society,” while denying those very rights to the aboriginal people of certain annexed territories.[15] The lesson here is simple: Love of nation can never be mingled with God’s plan of redemption. Historically, when this happens, grave injustice follows. Robert Tracy McKenzie exposes the slippery slope. In reflecting on C.S. Lewis’s The Screwtape Letters, McKenzie warns American Christians from hitching Christianity to any sort of national identity, lest we end up with what Lewis called “Christianity And,”: “a state of confusion in which it becomes easy to mix up means and ends and increasingly difficult to think clearly about the world around us.”[16] Modern examples of this can be observed in churches that sing national songs, such as “The Battle Hymn of the Republic” or the national anthem. Even placing the American flag behind the pulpit may be interpreted as an imprudent form of patriotic expression. While these actions are usually done in good faith, they are still misplaced, as in each example national symbols converge with worship of the Creator. Consequently, patriotic expressions as such can easily become idolatrous and a hindrance to the gospel. Concerning this, Wilsey asks,
Does it not seem strange and contradictory that we who affirm the sole supremacy of Christ exult over American glory at the same time and place we gather to confess that ‘Jesus is Lord’? Patriotic expressions of gratitude to those who have given their lives for our country are important and necessary. But for us Christians, those expressions should be vitally separate from expressions of our unique and (truly) sacred devotion to Christ.[17]
This stresses the importance of maintaining a biblical dual-citizenship mindset as taught by Paul in Philippians 1. While we are to be active citizens in the present world, our ultimate hope and allegiance must be to God, and that allegiance must be stunningly clear and free of national dissolution during devoted times of private and corporate worship.
Danger II: An Over Idealistic or Historical Patriotism
The second danger of patriotic expression has to do with a disequilibrium. Patriotism can quickly focus too much on the “ideals” of America, with risk of forsaking her heritage and history. Oppositely, patriotic expression may become overly historical or geographical, obsessed with blood and tradition. We will begin by addressing an example of the first kind, a patriotism overly idealistic.
Freedom Over Tradition
At the extreme, idealistic notions of patriotism can dismiss history entirely. Soil and blood become totally irrelevant; indeed, they may even be considered hindrances to the realization of the pure ideal. The clearest examples of this error can be seen in the modern Democratic Party. For instance, on the final night of the 2024 Democratic National Convention, Representative Elissa Slotkin (D-MI) encouraged the crowd, “For everyone here and everyone watching, I want you to proudly claim your patriotism . . . You are here because you love your country. Do not give an inch to pretenders who wrap themselves in the flag but spit in the face of the freedoms it represents.”[18] Reporter Adam Nagourney with the New York Times elsewhere reported that “For nearly 15 minutes, the United Center in Chicago was a blur of American flags fluttering in the air.”[19] At first blush, nothing seems extraordinary about Representative Slotkin’s remarks. But a keen citizen who holds both idealistic and historical notions of American patriotism in tandem will see Slotkin’s fatal error: she pits the idea of “freedom” against historical notions of American “freedom.” By freedom, Slotkin means the right to abortion, the right to youth gender re-assignment surgery, the right for states to mandate LGBTQ+ ideology on parents desiring to foster, the right to healthcare for non-citizens, the right for men to compete in women’s sports, the right to change the definition of marriage, the right to identify however you feel, the right to go to college for free, and the list could go on. All of these so-called “rights” should be placed in quotations, as there is no historical precedent for such a thing, ever, in American history. This type of patriotic “freedom” placates an uneducated American electorate hungry for convenience and pleasure—two traits that historically ruin nations—while whitewashing America’s rich past on discipline, self-sacrifice, self-control, self-denial, and selflessness. Americans largely misunderstand what the framers meant by the securing of certain “liberties” in the Constitution’s preamble. Oppositely of what many teach today, freedom is not the ability to do whatever one wants, but the ability to do that which is for the benefit of the common good (which entails objective morality). But many politicians express an unbalanced and myopic view of patriotic freedom today, untethered and disrespectfully foreign from the freedoms that millions of Americans have died for since this country’s inception. Such patriotic notions of “freedom” are abstract idealisms separated from historical fact and tradition. Moreover, this type of unbalanced patriotism tends not towards unity, but disunity, framing dissenters as anti-American.
Tradition Over Ideals
On the other hand, there also exists an unbalanced patriotism that tends to focus too much on historical and geographical notions of Americanism. A mainstream example of this misbalance may be found in celebratory displays of Confederate regalia, particularly the Battle Flag of the Army of Northern Virginia (ANV). Strangely, ANV displays are not limited to Southern States. The flag is sold and displayed all over Northeastern States as well. Before explaining why ANV flag waving (or any celebratory display of the Confederacy for that matter) is unpatriotic, let me first explain what I am not saying. I am not saying that anyone who displays this flag is racist or harbors any evil intentions. Any attempt to judge the motives or heart of those who display Confederate symbols would be foolish. The plain fact is that the Lost Cause Myth and the subsequent rise of the Neo-Confederate is a sticky and somewhat complicated cultural issue. There is more history, context, and nuance here than I can explore in this article. However, while I will not attempt to indict or condemn a fellow citizen who displays the ANV, I can and will speak with clarity concerning what that symbol objectively represents (yes, some things cannot be re-defined no matter one’s personal opinion).
The Confederate flag as we know it today is actually a byproduct of the Democrat Party, specifically a faction of Democrats known as the Dixiecrats. In 1948, this anti-civil rights faction protested desegregation by flying the ANV flag as we commonly see it today. Though the red background, blue cross, and thirteen stars were always incorporated, at some level, in the official Confederate flag, the modern version was originally utilized for the expressed purpose of protesting civil rights. This is what the flag represents. This is its history.
Furthermore, and as just mentioned, the ANV design was incorporated in all three versions of the Confederate flag. Though arguments persist concerning the issues at play causing the Civil War, three quotes from the Confederate Constitution give remarkable clarity regarding the goal of the Southern Cause:
Article I, Section 9, Clause 4 states, “No bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law denying or impairing the right of property in negro slaves shall be passed.”[20]
Article IV, Section 2, Clause 1 states,
The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States; and shall have the right of transit and sojourn in any State of this Confederacy, with their slaves and other property; and the right of property in said slaves shall not be thereby impaired.[21]
Article IV, Section 3, Clause 3 states,
In all such territory the institution of negro slavery, as it now exists in the Confederate States, shall be recognized and protected by Congress and by the Territorial government; and the inhabitants of the several Confederate States and Territories shall have the right to take to such Territory any slaves lawfully held by them in any of the States or Territories of the Confederate States.[22]
Notice three things here: (1) slavery is enshrined and cannot be repealed or punished by future law(s), (2) slave ownership is guaranteed across state borders, and (3) no current or future state belonging to the Confederacy may recognize emancipation. That last point is stunning, especially in light of arguments made by some who suggest the Civil War was a states’ rights issue. If this were true, why did the Confederate Constitution give zero deference to states concerning the issue of slavery? I explain this briefly to recognize that the Confederate Flag is principally a pro-slavery symbol. It was instantiated by a rebellion whose aim was the continuation of slavery. Was the Confederacy more than that? Yes! But was it less than that? No; the original sources say so.
Having laid this short history, it becomes clear as to why modern displays of the ANV are a misapplication of patriotism proper. Celebratory displays of national symbols ought always to be rooted in both idealistic and historical notions of patriotism. In the case of the ANV flag, idealistic notions of liberty and justice are attacked, not cultivated. One can argue the flag represents southern heritage (historical notions of patriotism). I wouldn’t argue with that claim. But historically, it fundamentally represents a moral evil (rebellion and slavery). Given these facts, one cannot honestly engage in ANV flag waving while simultaneously denying the principal institution that flag heartily represents. If the truth that “all men are created equal” is fundamental to American ideals, then there is no place for the ANV flag in America. Notions of patriotism which pit history over ideals are just as dangerous as those that pit ideals over history: for the American patriot, the two belong together.
CONCLUSION
We have now come full circle. We have defined an historically informed definition of patriotism proper, we have analyzed what Scripture says on the subject, and lastly, we have considered both virtues and dangers of patriotic expression. Hopefully, you have been convinced not only that patriotism is permissible, but that it is a virtuous expression. Perhaps another way to view it would be to say that patriotism is just another form of common grace that God gives, not only for the cohesiveness of a nation, but let’s be honest, our own enjoyment too. There is something special and fun about gathering with friends in American regalia, lighting off sparklers, grilling out hamburgers and hot dogs, and playing yard games. Let’s rejoice together and make it our aim to express proper gratitude in the form of patriotism.
End Notes
David Brooks, “The Uses of Patriotism” New York Times, September 16, 2016, https://www.nytimes.com. ↑
Those who kneel during the national anthem fundamentally misunderstand the purpose of the song. As Brooks comments, “When we sing the national anthem, we’re not commenting on the state of America. We’re fortifying our foundational creed. We’re expressing gratitude for our ancestors and what they left us. We’re expressing commitment to the nation’s ideals, which we have not yet fulfilled.” See Brooks, “The Uses of Patriotism.” ↑
Adam Kirsch, “American Patriotism Is Worth Fighting For” Wall Street Journal, October 18, 2019 https://www.wsj.com. ↑
John D. Wilsey, American Exceptionalism and Civil Religion, 162. ↑
Wilsey, American Exceptionalism and Civil Religion, 162. ↑
Frederick Douglass, “If I Had a Country, I Should Be a Patriot” in A Patriot’s Handbook: Songs, Poems, Stories, and Speeches Celebrating the Land We Love, ed. Caroline Kennedy, 202. ↑
Douglass, “If I Had a Country, I Should Be a Patriot,” 202. ↑
“The Declaration of Independence, 1776” in The Patriot’s History Reader: Essential Documents for Every American, ed. Larry Schweikart, Et al. (New York, NY: Sentinel, 2011), 21. ↑
Frederick Douglass, What, to the Slave, is the Fourth of July (July 5, 1852, the 76th celebration of American Independence, Rochester, NY), Accessed on https://www.blackpast.org ↑
At this point, two clarifications are in order: First, while there are no righteous nations, there is such a thing as righteous ideas and desires. And American Independence—the heart of which is the Declaration of Independence and Constitution which followed—is a righteous idea. After all, the ideals which these creeds eschew led to the emancipation of every black man and woman on January 1st, 1863. A second clarification to consider: while American Independence ought to be celebrated, there is no moral obligation upon any man to do so in the same way, shape, or form. However, a repudiation of the American Independence holiday may inevitably surmount to some negative moral aberration, especially if it becomes a form of expression in and of itself marked by gratuitous speech and behavior that slights the men and women who have died for the freedoms we so happily enjoy. ↑
Jeremy Linneman, “An Underrated Key for a Fruitful Christian Life: A Rooted Life in a Place,” Gospel Coalition, October 15, 2019, https://www.thegospelcoalition.org ↑
David McCullough, The American Spirit: Who We Are and What We Stand For (New York, NY: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 2017), 107. ↑
John D. Wilsey, American Exceptionalism and Civil Religion, 82. ↑
Wilsey, American Exceptionalism and Civil Religion, 82. ↑
Wilsey, American Exceptionalism and Civil Religion, 82. ↑
Robert Tracy McKenzie, The First Thanksgiving: What the Real Story Tells Us About Loving God and Learning From History (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2013), 20. ↑
John D. Wilsey, American Exceptionalism and Civil Religion, 215. ↑
Adam Nagourney, “Democrats Show That Republicans Aren’t the Only Ones Who Can Wrap Themselves in the Flag,” New York Times, August 23, 2024, https://www.nytimes.com. ↑
Nagourney, “Democrats Show That Republicans Aren’t the Only Ones Who Can Wrap Themselves in the Flag.” ↑
Confederate States of America Constitution of 1861, art. I, sec. 9, cl. 4. ↑
Confederate States of America Constitution of 1861, art. IV, sec. 2, cl. 1. ↑
Confederate States of America Constitution of 1861, art. IV, sec. 3, cl. 3. ↑
